2004/10/06

Le Monde 2: Issues # 1 to # 20

In January 2004, Le Monde launched a weekly magazine that serves as a supplement for the daily's weekend edition.

The 60th Anniversary Celebration of Le Monde

Le Monde 2 is 90 pages long, filled with a mixture of text and photo reportages. Perennials include Edwy Plenel's editorial, Pierre Assouline's column, a one-page feature called "Lunch with…" a given celebrity (which always features two photos, one of the celebrity and one of the bill), and at the very end, a large dossier on a subject (person and/or event) taken from a number of articles in the Le Monde archives.

Other perennials include a double spread featuring a given job's equipment (newsstand seller, fireman, rugby player, Formula 1 race driver, a Victorian-era detective, samurai (!), etc) and map in hand (supposed to explain things like regions with drinkable water, the British Commonwealth, the moon, the countries that practice "state homophobia", the location of the top 500 companies in the world, the countries where GMO (and what types and in what amounts) are grown legally, the countries with golfers participating in the Ryder Cup and the number of golf courses in each, the location of the latest UNESCO patrimony sites, the places of theft of the most valuable artifacts, "the Caucasion Inferno", "the [Israeli] Wall Goes to Court", "Iran's Nuclear Ambiguties", and "Is Iraq sovereign?"

Some issues are devoted entirely to one subject or one country; issue 12 (April 4) was devoted to Britain (celebrating the 100 years of the entente cordiale), issue 32 (September 25) was devoted to Italy, and issue 21 (June 6) to D-Day. (As far as links are concerned, I have not found a website for the magazine or for any of the articles that can be found inside it. Readers are welcome to help me update these posts when and if links become available.)

Whereas the independent newspaper tries hard to retain (and present itself as a conveyer of) an independent voice, Le Monde 2, like Le Monde diplomatique, shows its true colors much more clearly…

To celebrate the 100th post on Le Monde Watch, I have decided to write an in-depth overview of Le Monde 2 since the magazine began.



Issue 1 (January 25, 2004) seems pretty tame at first sight. The archives section concerns the Macintosh revolution. There is James Nachtwey's photos of "A GI's Life" in Iraq ("Boredom, fear, nostalgia: Baghdad on a daily basis"), where we learn, in typical fashion, that "a number of them are very young and … many don't understand why it was necessary to go to war in Iraq."

It's when we come to the story on the arrest of Saddam Hussein that we realize that France's newspaper of reference has lost nothing of its usual habits: Michel Guerrin feels compelled to say that the aim of the arrest was "to transform an arrogant and tyrannical head of state into a homeless man with a hirsute face and a degraded body." The broadcasting of the images of an army doctor examining him, he points out, "may have shocked but did not provoke a debate concerning the Geneva conventions." Then Guerrin heads into familiar the-American-authorities-are-nothing-if-not-treacherous-liars mode. "But the exact moments of the arrest are missing in the official version. They are said to have been photographed by an unknown soldier with a throwaway camera. … On certain reproductions, the face seems swollen. Molested? In any case, less 'presentable' than on the previous images."

Of course, the entire issue starts out with an Edwy Plenel editorial saying nothing less than that under the Bush presidency, humor has been criminalized. "For the first time, a democracy declares that one does not laugh with jokes, even if their humor is dubious. In a prison-boat, facing the Bronx, a young Frenchman, Franck Moulet, has a bitter taste in his mouth after responding to an American Airlines flight attendant's question with irony. According to the Quai d'Orsay, it is but one incident among others, just as absurd, since the time that, after the enormous crime of September 11, 2001, the policy of fear has settled at the helm in Washington."

"For the first time, a democracy has proclaimed…", Edwy? The head of the independent newspaper has apparently never heard of the — ubiquitous — saying that free speech does not mean one is allowed to cry "fire" in a theater, and he seems unaware of that although the example, as far as I know, dates from the beginnings of the Republic (i.e., almost 230 years). A "policy of fear", Edwy? It is a policy of common sense, and nothing more.



Issue 3 (February 1) features a bedraggled-looking Michael Jackson on the cover. Samuel Blumenfeld mentions that Jack-o runs the risk of being a victim of racism (should the Santa Maria jury not be representative of the singer's race).

Martine Valo spotlights an article about the new target unifying the humanist militants of France: advertising. Meaning, the "antipub" movements head into the subway to "Free the Métro" (by writing messages over ads such as "Stop", "Fed up with ads", "ads = jail", "capitalism's police", economic "growth is not the solution", and Prisoner-style "I am not a consumer, I am a human being"). Good thing they are aware of the world's dangers and have their priorities straight.

Anne-Line Roccati brings us an article devoted to Batya Gour, the Jerusalem author who "exercises a tenacious citizen vigilance" in Israel, while the archives section is devoted to "the pope of the poor", the Abbé Pierre, and his fight against "exclusion". Pierre Barthélémy has lunch with Garry Kasparov, which naturally leads to a discussion, among other things, about Putin and the Chechnya mess, but Barthélémy manages to not once mention Saddam Hussein or the chess champion's support for the Iraq war.



In issue 5 (February 15), Pierre Barthélémy has lunch with Hubert Reeves, who spouts various attacks on Bush and US policy. Meanwhile, the ever-condescending Pierre Assouline makes fun of Winston Churchill for winning the Nobel Prize in litterature in 1953, between Mauriac (1952) and Hemingway (1954). Calling the publication of the Nobel comittee's archives "compromising", Pierre Assouline adds: "It seems as incongruous today as 50 years ago." "The other prospects were not weighty enough: Graham Greene, Jules Romains, Robert Frost." "One must rub one's eyes [in disbelief]."

"It is true that [the last lion] had also written. Dozens of memoirs … war chronicles, without forgetting the biographies of daddy (Lord Randolph) and tonton (his ancestor Marlborough)." (Tonton and tata are French children's equivalents of daddy, mommy, gramps, etc, for uncle and aunt.) "By remembering his little talent for watercolors, we should be happy that there has never been a Nobel prize for painting." Shocking! Isn't it? Absolutely shocking that a political decision of that magnitude may have intervened in one single instance! One that happened to involve the bloodiest war in the history of mankind. Assouline's condescension fits perfectly into the French press's haughty attitude towards Americans that will accompany the 60th anniversary of D-Day later that year.



The cover of issue number 7 (February 29) screams "JFK", and it features Joe Klein's portrait of John Forbes Kerry. Inside, we find Yann Plougastel's article on Orson Welles' 1982 prediction of a terrorist attack that would "blow out New York"; a column by Pierre Lescure entitled "I Vote for Arlette" (the name commonly used by Arlette Chabot, head of the radical Lutte ouvrière party); and Pierre Jullien's dossier on the miners that inspired Zola's Germinal.

Issue 8 (March 7) features Annick Cojean's article on Desmond Tutu, with the Nobel Peace laureate's "faith in humanity and in God" (although she seems more inclined to focus on the "humanistic" aspect of his faith than in the religious aspect) and his participation in the opposition marches to the Iraq war ("it was so stimulating!") while comparing the "10,000 Iraqi civilians" killed in the war to the 3,000 people killed on 9/11.

Also, Denis Chapouillié and Frédéric Edelmann's articles on the construction of the largest opera in the world (although there is little, if any, debate on how much such a building is needed in Beijing and little or no commentary on the Chinese police state or, unlike any comparable article on an American project of that magnitude, the evoking of the city's poorer classes — then again, the opera is being built by a Frenchman [Paul Andreu]).

The cover article concerns the interviews of seven former prime ministers about how life was for them in the official Matignon palace (lonely). For instance, Pierre Mauroy says that in order "to celebrate [the socialist party's victory in the presidential election of] May 10, 1981, Fidel Castro had sent a marvellous havana cigar. That evening, I was thus smoking the cigar, while watching the TV news. It was one of my rare moments of relaxation." (No word on what gift(s), if any, Saddam Hussein sent, on that or any subsequent election victory.)



In issue 10 (March 21), we find Jan Krauze's article on the billionnaire campaigning against Bush. "Soros wants to save America", the title informs us. Patrick Jarreau treats us to lunch with Joseph Wilson, the former State Department employee whose wife was ousted as a CIA spy. Of course, Wilson lends credence to the peace camp's "endless war" credo, with his "After Iraq, it will be Syria, Iran… They want to implant our power in the Middle East." (I wonder how many Syrians and Iranians would be devastated about such developments.) Patrick Jarreau ends his article by saying that in Wilson's eyes, "resorting to war 'to disarm Saddam Hussein' would have been justified. What isn't [justified] is the fact of launching the conflict, unilaterally, while the UN inspections were proceeding without mishap" (sic, emphasis mine).

No se puede combatir el terrorismo con guerras, starts Plenel's editorial (in bold letters), waxing wisely on the wise, wise words of the wise, wise José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero who, unexpectedly, had won Spain's election the previous week. As for Geneviève Brisac, she joins in the chorus with El pueblo unido jamas sera vencido. (What I'll never understand is why Bush's declarations are supposed to be simplistic and the "peace camp's" are not. But never mind: Le Monde 2 isn't finished with Spain yet.)

Pierre Lescure quotes (albeit in French) the founder of El País, Juan Luís Cebrian: "do not lose sight of the fact that the young Aznar grew up as a phalangist." Pierre fires broadside after broadside, on "the reaction of Aznar and of what one wants to call his clique, aping the 'methods' of yesterday's dictators, Franco foremost among them." "No way is there any question that betting on reality and on national solidarity, emotion, and responsibility will be stronger than the rejection of the pro-Bush policy. And so, they lie. Totally." "The authoritarian and pretentious blindness of José Maria Aznar", "the small phalangist [who] played the small messenger boy to the hilt." ("The small messenger boy", meaning poodle, is what one French politician called Aznar when his government supported Bush and Blair.) Thank you, Pierre, for providing us with this stunning example of French journalism at its most charming and its most sophisticated: unless you oppose Uncle Sam, you are a poodle and a fascist.

So much for the columns. With the help of El País, Nicolas Bourcier and Olivier Schmitt give us a full-blown article of the minutes (literally speaking), minute by minute, of the "state lie". When you hear "state lie" or "original lie" in the French press, you know they're speaking about Uncle Sam or a Bush ally. Here, we are talking of Spain's José Maria Aznar, and the article goes from the bombings in Madrid on Thursday March 11 at 7:14 am to the José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero's election victory on Sunday March 14 at 11:13 pm.

Thus, we learn not only of the demonstrations at which several million Spaniards gathered, we also learn of the demonstration in which several dozens of Spaniards gathered (the wise individuals — within 48 hours, they already understood that nothing but the government's machiavellian lies could be behind this); we learn not only of the exact hours that the various demonstrations against the Aznar government start but also when they continue (!) ("Sunday March 14, 7:49 am ["7.49"?!]: several dozens of people continue to demonstrate in Madrid before the PP's headquarters shouting slogans that accuse the government of having lied" — emphasis mine). We are also informed of such fascinating details as the fact that at 5:53 am on Sunday, a president publicly accuses Aznar's government "of having lied for electoral reasons". Who is the president? Cuba's Fidel Castro. Well, if el Líder Maximo accuses anyone of lying, who is to counter him?



In issue 11 (March 28), Pierre Assouline writes about how France's humanists consider Mel Gibson's Passion a scandal, with one of them calling it a "fascist" film (in that it erects violence, barabarism, and hatred into spectacle to the detriment of the Word). He goes on to say that the film is to be considered as "a political machine manipulated by the nebulous integrists who gravitate around Bush" (!)

In issue 15 (April 25), Geneviève Brisac has an article called "Smith, Wesson, and myself" where she castigates simplistic Americans for allowing the gun culture to exist, mocking their love affair (especially that of the Texans) with the gun. (Nowhere do we hear abut how the Gestapo's work was made easier by the fact that nonviolent, sophisticated Europeans were supposed to trust in their governments' capacity to protect the citizenry. Nor, to use a more recent example, does Brisac speak about Slobodan Milosevic's decision to have Yugoslavia's police force disarm the citizens of Bosnia and Kosovo before going ahead with the ethnic killing…)

In issue 16 (May 2), Edwy Plenel intones that "the Iraqi people has gladly let the United States rid it of the dictatorship. But that doesn't mean that it intends to let itself be occupied, humiliated, and put into submission, communtarized, and lebanized … In Bush's Iraqi faux pas, there is lots of scorn and ignorance." There is especially a lot of scorn and ignorance in speaking of "the people" in the usual fashion that forgets about, and ignores, the individual, and which castigates anybody who does not agree with the speaker's opinions of what the bulk of the people should think and what it should do.

Then it's over to Frédéric Joignot's cover article with Salman Rushdie, who intones that "it is time for [America] to stop making enemies and to seek to make friends", for instance by ceasing to make war against the impoverished populations of Sudan [make war against Sudan?!], Iraq, and Afghanistan in "retaliation for their tyrants". Then it's Raphaëlle Bacqué's elegy to the founders of the terrorist group Action Directe, whom she introduces by quoting them as "[we are] the oldest political prisoners in France".

The issue ends with the archives section devoted to the leftist-inspired coup d'état that ended 46 years of Salazar dictatorship in Portugal. Whereas the archives section devoted to the creation of Red China in issue 33 made no mention of Beijing's latter blunders (not to call them outright crimes on a massive scale), Former President Mario Soares is quoted as complaining that "the rightist government's alignment with the Bush administration and the framework of the invasion and the occupation of Iraq have created difficulties with the French-German axis and with the European Union." (Difficulties with what European Union, Senhor Soares, when 12 members out of 25 (13 before Spain pulled out) are engaged in the coalition of the willing?)



Issue 17 (May 9) has Michael Moore
on the cover, lighting a stick of dynamite while a black-and-white photo covering the wall behind him shows Dubya in his National Guard days. Inside, Frédéric Joignot has a story on Toni Morrison while Dominique Le Guilledoux has an article on São Paulo mayor Marta Suplicy, a Worker's Party woman "detertimined to eradicate poverty" who is "the idol of the favelas".

Issue 18 (May 16) starts out, as usual, with Christian Colombani one-liners, the first one of which, as noted before, is the following jewel:

The consequence of a faltering health system, one third of Americans soothe their illnesses by more prayer and less medicine.
(I thought the Americans were supposed to be the ones making constant simplified statements?) Okay, let's see… what have we learned here? Or, rather, what is confirmed here, for the French?! It's not only that America's health system is run down, no, we must read between the lines. Because, contrary to the French…
  • Americans have blind faith in their capitalist society, and therefore don't think of revolting (or making a full-fledged revolution) in order to provoke the advent of an egalitarian society of the French type;
  • Americans are backwards folks and superstitious beings;
  • Americans, when they are not feeling well (physically or otherwise), display the grave tendency of not turning towards the state for help;
  • Americans are egotistical beings who do not help each other (that is, by turning to the authorities);
  • Their health system is KO — whereas the French system does work and is not failing (the proof being the fact that the French take more mediciine than Yankees do).
What is ignored:
  • Prayer or no prayer, it has been well established that a positive attitude has a positive effect on one's health. A study recommended the use of cassettes and DVDs of comedies in hospital rooms (in addition to the medical treatment);
  • the French not only take more medicine than Americans do, they take more medicine than the rest of Europe. They must therefore be the most humanist people of the European Union as well! Unless, of course, it is the French health system that encourages people to turn towards free or cheap medicine.
As an American woman who has lived in France for over 20 years said to me: "When the French start feeling the slightest touch of sickness, they rush to a pharmacy. I myself go the supermarket to buy some orange juice, but it is true that that option is not reimbursed by the state's health system…"

On the following page, Pierre Assouline helpfully informs us that, "as the debate concerning the abuse and the torture by the American army [sic] in Iraq intensifies", an ad in the magazine L'Histoire reads as follows: "We are seeking testimonials on rapes committed by American soldiers in France, England, or Germany during the Second World War. This research is based on the university work of Robert Lilly and is done for a historical TV documentary."

Samuel Blumenfeld follows this with an article showing how Gillo Pontecorvo's Battle of Algiers has found a following among military planners in the Pentagon. Following that, we are treated to two articles by Michel Guerrin on Robert Capa, and his beautiful photos, on 18 pages.



In issue # 19 (May 23), Christian Colombani begins his collection of one-liners with the soldier Dionicio Arevalo, who, after returning home to San Francisco after serving as an Abu Ghraib MP, "hits his wife in his sleep, claws her face, and pulls her ears believing himself to be pulling the pins out of handgrenades". This is followed by an item on the director of Child Victims of War, Jo Baker, claiming that "depleted uranium weapons, used by the Americans in Iraq, are leading to the births of babies with missing limbs or eyes".

On the next page, Pierre Lescure proceeds to tell us that the Abu Ghraib scandal is "a harder blow, and a more tragic one, for Bush than Watergate was for Nixon."

This segues nicely into the cover story, concerning "Bring Home Our Kids: The Fight of the Soldiers' Mothers Against Bush". "The Revolt of the GIs' mothers" merits a posting all by itself, and it gets one.

The other interesting article of the issue
is Samuel Blumenfeld's piece on the Duke, based on Michael Munn's John Wayne: The Man Behind the Myth. The title of the article? "Hollywood paranoid" (of course). The main revelation concerns the question whether Stalin was trying to have John Wayne assassinated, but in this, a typically judgmental article, we also hear of the movie star's "obsesson" ("the hunt for communists, a national sport in the McCarthyite United States of the 1950s") and of "the good John Wayne … co-habiting with the bad John Wayne, impassioned defender of the witchhunt and co-director of The Green Berets, a propaganda film in favor of keeping American forces in Vietnam."

The smug article manages to dis other movies of the Duke's with sneering irony, notably Big Jim McLain and Blood Alley (in William Wellman's movie, "poor Chinese villagers are suffering the horror of communism. Thank God, John Wayne and his boat are in the neighborhood. The villagers will be able to leave the inferno and settle in Hong Kong"), but the ever-wise Blumenfeld is not finished with "the feature conceived as a western where the vicious Vietcong take on the role of the Indians". He climbs to new heights of America- (or neocon-) caricaturing with his final picture caption: "In The Green Berets, the most overt propaganda film of the history of the Vietnam war [really? has Blumenfeld seen any pro-North Vietnamese pictures made in the 1960s, not to speak of North Korean movies themselves?], John Wayne does everything: director, star, producer, messiah."

In issue 20 (May 30), Edwy Plenel gives a demonstration that shows that when Americans aren't being compared to fascists, they are being compared to Stalinists!

Go read about issues # 21 to 28 and # 29 and following

Le Monde 2: Issues # 21 to # 28

On the 60th anniversary of D-Day, issue 21 (June 6, 2004) is naturally devoted to the "Liberators". "Le Monde 2 commemorates the event by paying homage to all the liberators, anonymous or little-known, French and foreign, heroic and modest, who restored democracy" in France. The cover features a huge portrait of an anonymous French resistant, along with five tiny photos, one of an anti-Hitler German, another of a GI landing at Omaha Beach, one (modern one) of the Bussy-Varache viaduct which the French resistance blew up, and two (!) of the communist leader who gave the order to set the dynamite.

Inside, Edwy Plenel helpfully reminds us that "on the Eastern front, from Stalingrad to Kursk, the Germans lost a total of 6 million soldiers versus only 250,000 in Normandy. History does not moralize. American or Soviet, there is no hierarchy in sacrifice. But the memory of one cannot wipe away the other, on the pretext that American democracy won over Russian communism." Uh-huh. Good thing to know…

On the following page, Geneviève Brisac speaks of the "absurdity of war" and calls for more restraint in her Operation Overlord article entitled… "Operation Overdose". Next, Raphaëlle Bacqué does lunch with Admiral Philippe de Gaulle, who remembers how his father told him on June 5, 1944, "Ça y est … The French will be the first to land in France."

An interview of Jean-Pierre Azéma has the historian explain France's role in Operation Overlord to Michel Lefebvre (remember now, the enemies are the Germans!): "De Gaulle will not restrain his anger. He refuses to participate in this travesty. He will not caution an Americanized France. Voices are raised. Eisenhower, furious, tells him to go to hell. As for Churchill, he is said to have commented "Send him back to Algiers, in a cage if needed." But de Gaulle keeps resisting. He lets it be known that he will address the French people himself. and, on June 6, he pronounces one of his most beautiful speeches, asking the French to obey noone but a French administraion, launching a vibrant call for war, 'France will once again become France'." (Note that de Gaulle's "resistance" — nice choice of words — is to… the perfidious Anglo-Saxons.)

Then comes Francis Marmande's glorious article to the memory of the communist party's "Georges Guingouin, the liberator of Limoges". Ten pages devoted to the "mythical resistant" known as "The Madman of the Woods". (The interview with Azéma on D-Day itself lasted five.)

Then it's Georges Marion's four pages devoted to "the Germans of the Shadows", a resistance organization that infiltrated the Nazi military machine ("Most often they were young communist Jews relocated in France before the war, their families having fled the Nazi oppression") followed by Eric Leser's four pages (nice balance) devoted to two GIs who are the subjects of two famous photos (one of Robert Capa's blurry Omaha Beach pictures and another of a unit holding a captured Nazi flag).

We then have Dominique Frétard's three pages of paintings of medical personnel which appeared in 1945's Men Without Guns (always good, in today's Europe, to present a more pacific side to the conflict), before going to Jean-Michel Normand's text accompanying 12 pages of full-page portraits of resistants (including the young face that graces the cover), all of them anonymous.

The archive section finally gives us some meat to sink our teeth into: D-Day hour by hour, with various comments, 19 pages in all (although there is nothing uncommon about such, since Le Monde 2's archive section are typically long and weighty). Invariably, a veteran is made to opine that, unlike World War II, in no case does the Iraq intervention represent "a just and beautiful cause". (Strangely, no other veteran is quoted on the Iraq war, almost as if when encountering people and soldiers who do support the war (or Bush), the French press does not make much of that).

But we skipped one piece: Emmanuel de Roux's article on the local collectioners of D-Day memorabilia, "from the gaiter button to the assault tank", which I wanted to keep until the end. Those fervent amateurs "have sometimes gathered stockpiles so important as to form the basic collections of museums, large and small, private and public."

Here is what is interesting in the reflection of today's European sophisticated, humanistic, visionary (and fashionable) thinking: One 57-year-old dentist from Bayeux spent his nights collecting, and by the 1970s Jean-Pierre Benamou had assembled all kinds of matériel, from resistance tracts and military berets to the wreck of a British Spitfire. And in 1981, the township of Bayeux agreed to build a museum to house the entire collection. "A convention links Jean-Pierre Benamou to the city until 2020. Thereafter, Bayeux will become the owner of the collections."

This is where the problems start. Remember what Brisac said in her column? Remember the subject of the paintings from Men Without Guns? Remember the number of pages in this Le Monde 2 issue devoted to pacifists (or so-called pacifists) and to members, armed or not, of France's visionary society of humanism and solidarity? Remember the (relatively) few pages devoted to the American and British soldiers who stormed Utah, Omaha, Gold, Juno, and Sword beaches and made D-Day what it was? Listen to this: "Sparks have been flying between the collector and the new town hall which wants to dispose of the belligerant side of the establisment in order to transform it into a sort of pacific memorial, modeled after that in Caen."

Now, ain't that nice? It's peace, folks. Peace!

In another time and another place, speaking of "the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here" and of the "poor power" of politicians to "add or detract" in subsequent speechifying, one man said that

The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
In modern Europe, the balance between the "honored dead" who "gave the last full measure of devotion" and self-important politicians who utter smug platitudes has been inverted. Please note that for today's verbose Europeans, self-declared pacifists or not, a declaration of principles would read more like this:
The world can little note what the brave men did here, but it must never forget what we say here.
For the benefit of Bayeux's vain and conceited politicians and citizens, I will provide a translation of the above Abraham Lincoln sentence in French:
Le monde remarquera peu ce que nous disons ici et il ne s'en souviendra guère, mais il n'oubliera jamais ce que des braves ont fait en ce lieu.



Surprize! In issue 23 (June 20), we have a token article, the kind of rare jewel that is supposed to convince everybody that everybody's opinions are equally represented: of course, Nicolas Bourcier's article is only one page long, he describes Noam Chomsky as a "committed leftist intellectual", and he mentions www.punkvoter.com without mentioning the Punkvoter Lies website, but still it's refreshing to read about "Bush's punks and fans". Nick Rizzuto and Michale Graves oppose "leftist propaganda" and say as much on their websites and in the songs they sing. "Take Johnny Ramone, he fully supported Ronald Reagan", says Rizzuto, the founder of the ConservativePunk.com website (I'll bet Douglas didn't know that! ;o) ), while former Misfits singer Graves protests: "But the establishment is them [those who sympathize with Mike Burkett's anti-Bush movement]! While everybody agrees to hold progressive ideas, the real rebels today are the conservatives."

Otherwise, issue 23 shows us the Iraq wrestlers preparing for the Olympic Games in Colorado Springs. One might have thought that a journalist might have made a story out of the incredible chance Ali Salman and Muhammed Mohammed got, which is indeed how the two men feel. (Not to mention the fact that they will not be tortured for not winning medals.) Needless to say, Paul Miquel had to make much out of the fact that trainer Jamal Hasson happened to comment nonchalantly that half the population "think we have gone into exile in the occupier's country".

We are also treated to Samuel Blumenfeld's lunch with Paul Verhoeven, who compares Che Guevara to Jesus and who says, unbelievingly, that the inspiration for 1997's Starship Troopers came from… the state of Texas, then headed by a governor by the name of George W Bush (!)



Issue 24 (June 27) presents "Apocalypse Food", a story of Morgan Spurlock's Super Size Me. "As, through fast food, it's a whole way of life that America exports," weeps Samuel Blumenfeld, "the whole world should soon fall ill." Then it's over to an interview Nicolas Bourcier conducted with the musician Moby, who is MOBYlized against Bush. Tour de France oblige, the Monde archives present Jacques Anquetil (along with the five-time champ's daughter dismissing of doping as "banal"), while the archives of the subsequent issue (# 25, July 4) gives us a portrait of the father of today's Turkey, "Atatürk the Modern Man".

In issue 27 (July 18), Peter Turnley compares two military funerals in America (Oklahoma and South Carolina) with funerals in Baghdad and Bassorah, including those of "Iraqi combatants". War, war itself, is the culprit.

That seems to be the message, too, of Jan Krauze's "The Forgotten Insurrection", in which a Pole, then 23, says that "the Soviets played a hideous, cynical role" in the Warsaw uprising of 1944. Fortunately for Le Monde 2's readers (and for the French campaign to paint the Allies in a less-than-bright light throughout 2004), Witold Zaleski "seems to be just as resentful towards the Western allies, who could have done much more to help the insurrectionists".

Samuel Blumenfeld gives us a biography of "the richest producer in the world", underlining the supposed "binary diagram at the basis of all of [Jerry Bruckheimer's] films: good against evil, civilization against barbarism, America surrounded by a hostile world." Blumenfeld, who unleashed a broadside againt Black Hawk Down for not showing the racism of ordinary American soldiers (!?), has another article on Ridley Scott's Kingdom of Heaven, in which, without further ado, he castigates Cecil B DeMille for his "soap crusades" which "defies any historical plausibility" (not historical truth, historical plausibility). "In [Scott's] celestial Jerusalem, open to all, the goal is not so much to rewrite the past as to consider the future in a different way, without crasades, and in peace."

In that perspective, we head for the Le Monde archives, which is devoted to the "fighter for the Palestinian cause". "Arafat the Survivor", we are told, "has incarnated for almost half a century the hopes of the Palestinian people for the building of an independent state." "'The head of the PLO has lived through a thousand hardships" writes Simon Roger. "But he remains an interlocutor on the path to peace in the Middle East who can't be ignored."



In issue 28 (July 25), we have another token article. Frédéric Joignot's "The Anti-Ecologist Ecologist" is about Bjørn Lomborg, the author of The Skeptical Environmentalist. Of course, it goes heavily into "Lomborg's strongest distortions and weakest analyses", it uses sentences like "after a while, a sense of malaise arises", and it gives the Danish author the kiss of death by linking him to the devil incarnate: "American ecologists have noted that an unofficial text drawn up by the White House uses most of Lomborg's arguments, in order to justify their refusal to sign the Kyoto agreements." (Well, if the arguments happen to be true, or mostly true, or even only partly true, why shouldn't the Bush administration use them; why, indeed, shouldn't everybody be using them?!) "They accuse the 'skeptical environmentalist' of being supported by oil and anti-environmentalist lobbies." Well, if you can't, or won't, enter into debate, better to dismiss the messenger through character assassination by calling him a fiend in the pay of the enemy, n'est-ce pas?

Oh, this is good: in its Le Monde archives section, issue 28 gives us a portrait of "The Soul of Barcelona". Who might that be? A poet and best-selling author who fought against Franco. Oh, and of course, Manuel Vazquez Montalban was also a communist with a "political commitment without fault". A good person, needless to say. And to show how human(istic) he was, we are informed that cooking was his passion. Of course, what the militant fought against was American foreign policy and what he refused to do was live on

a planet of resigned and guilty monkeys covered, apparently, by dried seas of blood spilled by the liberal-capitalist society busy with covering the Earth with hamburgers and Kentucky fried chicken served by deliverymen wearing the UN's blue helmets.
(Oh yes, didn't you know? it is only when the UN opposes, or seems to oppose, Washington that the international institution is praised; when it happens to seem to be acting in lockstep with Uncle Sam, it is — as usual — denigrated and dismissed as a stooge — like everybody else.) Yes, says Raphaëlle Rérolle, the Catalan author … was not only a cook, but the hero of his detective novels refrains from eating "banal globalist food"; non, Pepe Carvalho "tastes with an incredible talent meals with a well-marked identity". How much more lucid can an author get? Oh, and, by the way, did the militant author ever do, or say, anything about Stalin's gulags and Mao's millions of victims? A "communist until the day he died, Montalban never stopped wondering about the [Stalinist] ideology." Wow! Quite an impressive display of activism. Bueno to have your priorities straight, Señor Montalban

Go read about issues # 1 to 20 and # 29 and following

Le Monde 2: Issues # 29 to # 40

After an interruption in August for the summer vacation, Le Monde 2 returns in a slightly different format. (The most visible change is that the magazine is no longer bound by glue but with staples.) Edwy Plenel starts his editorial in issue 29 (September 4) with an (indirect) appeal to terrorists' intelligence, concerning the kidnapping of Christian Chesnot and Georges Malbruno (the journalists "who tried to tell the story of the Iraqi inferno, with humanity and curiosity"): "to threaten France, which was the only diplomatic obstacle the United States ran into on the road to Baghdad… there have been instances of logic, even be they of the criminal kind, that have made more sense. But maybe therein is the meaning of those crimes: that there be no more meaning, precisely, that it be the war of everybody against everybody, that in turn, we let outselves give into violence and hate. That we respond to fear with fear. That is the trap."

And you know who, consciously or (criminally) unconsciously, set the trap, don'tcha? "'Be afraid!' says the American imperial eagle" shouts Plenel, echoing the bird in Art Spiegelman's In the Shadow of No Towers. "'Be afraid!' hastened to shout the administration's liege man in Baghdad, the former Saddam Hussein vassal recycled by the CIA, Ayad Allawi, taking as a pretext the double kidnapping to invite France to enter into a crusade against the 'forces of evil', a religious war without quarter or pity of which Iraq will be the inevitable battlefield."

Edwy Plenel forgot a couple, so I'll add them for him: "Be afraid! " cried Edwy Plenel, pointing to Uncle Sam and the forces of capitalism. "Be afraid!" cried the intellectuals, pointing at McDonald's, Coca-Cola, Hollywood, and a mouse named Mickey."Be afraid!" cried the French people, pointing at Bush, the devil incarnate. (If any of this blog's readers have the original (English-language) Spiegelman book, can they confirm that my retranslation from French into English ("Be afraid") is correct? D'avance, merci…)

Then, we have Jacques Buob and Alain Frachon's interview with Spiegelman, who is (conveniently) "revolted against the nationalism of the American media and against all religious fanaticism". The artist with a sense of humor which "remains a weapon of mass reflection" condemns Bush's "politics of fear", erupts in fury at "all those stupid flags that have appeared everywhere", and says he is "terrorized as much by Al Qaeda as by his government". My heart goes out to you, Art. Oh, and when will you make a Maus version of the killing fields in Saddam Hussein's Iraq?

In addition, Véronique Mortaigne presents an article on Oscar Niemeyer, the "aesthetic and militant architect" who built the main buildings of Brasília, the UN building in New York, and the Paris headquarters of France's Communist Party. "Communist for one day, communist always", she writes admiringly of the Brazilian icon. And on the final page there is another Jacques Buob interview, with Virginie Despentes, a writer-director who voted for the Parti Communiste in the last elections…



Issue 30 (September 11) brings us Josyane Savigneau's interview with Philip Roth ("compared to his son, the father was a George Washington") and Pierre Assouline's condescending dismissal of Nicolas Sarkozy and Bernard-Henri Lévy. (Why? Because neither is a Frenchman comme il faut, i.e., one who hates America.) As the archives story, we are served the history of the McDonald's corporation which is celebrating the quarter century birthday of the opening of its first restaurant in France.

Then we have Edwy Plenel with the tiresome pacifist slogan "endless war" (aren't simplistic thoughts supposed to be anathema to sophisticated, deep-thinking Frenchmen?) along with his condescending attitude towards Dubya, Putin, and Sharon ("all united against evil, to use Bush's religious vulgar speech"), as well as Ronald Reagan (for his "evil empire" discourse). "Everything is happening as if, from Washington to Moscow, our post-Cold War world was impatient to invent a world war and find a global enemy." Of course, just about exactly the same thing was said about the Americans (Reagan among them) when they opposed the Kremlin during the Cold War: those simplistic, war-mongering Americans need an enemy at any price, people sneered. Today, the Eastern European members of the former Soviet block, stand with, and behind, Washington as one. Don't you wonder why? This is not something that a member of the French press like Plenel will ponder.

Claudine Mulard's story on "the Man who Dares Attack Bush-Television", i.e., on Robert Greenwald, the filmmaker behind Outfoxed and Uncovered, who fights what Le Monde 2 calls "radical conservativism" and "the message of a Republican Party leaning more and more to the right: heightened patriotism, defense of so-called family values, etc, the whole packaged in an information-spectacle fashion." Mulard then proceeds to recount how John Moody's "scandalous" memos determine what Fox News will show.

What is funny, or sickening, is how much worse this is in France. Take the following sickening memo:

The images of Abu Ghraib are perturbing and scandalizing. Today, we have images, broadcast by Al Arabiya, of an American hostage, blindfolded, clearly against his will. Who will be scandalized for him?
The memo is not sickening in itself, or for what it purportedly shows about the Fox corporation, it is sickening precisely because of the fact that Europeans find it shocking. It is sickening in that that is shows exactly how the French media reacted, albeit in the reverse fashion. What is sickening here are the double standards. All the men who were kidnapped, and who had their heads severed, were down-played. All any one person has to ask him- or herself is, what is worse, forcing a prisoner to wear a dogleash or chopping off a prisoner's head. Which prisoner suffered more? The family of which prisoner bears the deeper wounds? When you have answered those questions, you can go complain about Fox News all you want.


Issue 31 (September 18) features "Americans" on the cover. It is surprizingly balanced, with verbatim quotes from 15 Americans, accompanied by beautiful portraits by Guillaume Serina and Matthias Braschler, and without (too much) commentary from Alain Frachon. Among the Americans quoted (some of them famous, some unknown), there are five each in the Bush camp (Ed Koch, Ashley Meyer, Jeff Politis, Robert Lee, and Christine Iverson) and in the Kerry camp (Eric Williams, Gavin Newsom, Sharon Furman, and the lesbian couple Emily Whiting and Christa Torrens), along with an equivalent number of Americans who don't really say whom they support (James Lipton, Allen Soong, Bianca Ortiz, Sonia Cordella, and Charity MacDonald) — although with some it can be guessed. Maybe some journalists, editors, and VIPs are starting to see that, with the likelihood of a Bush victory, they ought to be more balanced in their presentation of the news.

The final page is devoted to Jacques Buob's interview with a HIV positive homosexual who is a leading member of the Jacques Chirac's UMP. Jean-Luc Romero is complaining: "Take the magazine [for gays and lesbians,] Têtu. Before, it said: 'It's a disgrace that he does not admit to being HIV positive.' And the day I do announce it, they say that I am using it to further my career! They will not accept that one can be a conservative and be gay" at the same time. Cheer up, Jean-Luc. In some countries (and editorial rooms), they do not accept (not very graciously, at least) that you can be a rational, open-minded American and be for Bush at the same time.



Michèle Champenois's article, "Aux arts citoyen", in issue 33 (October 2) shows us a number of Maurizio Cattelan's pieces of art, including the sculpture meant to show "how, suddenly, after September 11, life became militarized, highly controlled." Pierre Barthélémy, meanwhile, interviews Sir Martin Rees, "one of the most respected figures in Bristish science", who predicts various types of catastrophes for our planet, from ecological to bio-terror. (Naturally, he gets twice as many pages as 28's Bjørn Lomborg as well as an interview, in which he is quoted verbatim without comment from the journalist.)

As for Annick Cojean, she interviews "women in an Afghan Garden", and her story about how the women will vote in Afghanistan's first election in history is presented as if the election had happened like that, without mention of the, uh, contributions of the United States Army, Air Force, and Marines. In fact, whereas the words France, Germany, and NGOs (or their grammatical derivatives) are mentioned several times, the word America is not mentioned once.

This pleasant issue of Le Monde 2 ends with the archive section devoted to "China's Turning Red". It is true that October 1 marks the anniversary of Mao's founding of "the People's Republic". With a photo of the founding speech of Mao Zedong, Listen to how poetic and laudatory the introduction reads: "Fity-five years ago, the communists headed by Mao Zedong installed in the most peopled nation in the world a system still in place today. The birth of the People's Republic marked the end of a quarter century of civil war with the nationalists."

It's peace, folks! Peace! Peace like in Iraq before the ouster of Saddam Hussein brought chaos, insecurity, and confusion! Peace, that thing that modern, visionary Europeans like to put the emphasis on in their history museums. Now, ain't that somethin' to celebrate?! Let's read some more headlines: "'Martians' in Shanghai: the Reds Capture China's Manhattan"; "The Legend of the Long March", "A United Front Against the Japanese Invasion", "And the Party Created the Nation: China Reunited under the Red Flag". No. No, there aren't any pictures of political prisoners in Mao's gulags. No, there aren't any photos of prisoners getting shot with a bullet in the neck. No, there aren't any images of China's invasion of Tibet. Why do you ask?

As for issue 40, it has an article giving an entirely partisan view of weblogs and the "blogosphere" (InstaPundit is against Bush and the war in Iraq?!)

Go read about issues # 1 to 20 and # 21 to 28

2004/10/02

La pensée écologique unique

Le mensonge écolo :
Et si le réchauffement climatique mondial, par la faute de l'effet de serre dû à l'activité industrielle depuis un siècle, n'était qu'une hypothèse non vérifiée, pis, un fantasme plongeant ses racines aux sources de la plus pure tradition malthusienne et eugéniste ? Et si, après tout, George W. Bush, en refusant de ratifier le protocole de Kyoto sur la réduction d'émission du CO2, faisait preuve d'un solide bon sens et d'un pragmatisme économique très anglo-saxon ? …

2004/09/28

Une victoire de plus pour l'ONU, pour le multilatéralisme, pour les principes, pour la solidarité, et pour le dialogue avec le respect mutuel

While the multilaterial process moves along in its slow, dignified way, the killing continues in Sudan.
How jolly good it is to be principled. Now that the French foreign minister has requested that no international conference about Iraq be held unless the issue of the departure of American troops is put on the agenda, I think it not unuseful to have another look at the David Brooks article in the New York Times on how the Iraqi crisis could have been averted. Something that could have happened had only George W Bush been man enough to listen to the international community instead of acting unilaterally and arrogantly like a trigger-happy cowboy and had he only engaged in meaningful dialogue with respect for his interlocutors… Had Dubya only acted like we're doing — like we're all doing — in Sudan now…
And so we went the multilateral route.

Confronted with the murder of 50,000 in Sudan, we eschewed all that nasty old unilateralism, all that hegemonic, imperialist, go-it-alone, neocon, empire, coalition-of-the-coerced stuff. Our response to this crisis would be so exquisitely multilateral, meticulously consultative, collegially cooperative and ally-friendly that it would make John Kerry swoon and a million editorialists nod in sage approval.

And so we Americans mustered our outrage at the massacres in Darfur and went to the United Nations. And calls were issued and exhortations were made and platitudes spread like béarnaise. The great hum of diplomacy signaled that the global community was whirring into action.

Meanwhile helicopter gunships were strafing children in Darfur.

We did everything basically right. The president was involved, the secretary of state was bold and clearheaded, the U.N. ambassador was eloquent, and the Congress was united. And, following the strictures of international law, we had the debate that, of course, is going to be the top priority while planes are bombing villages.

We had a discussion over whether the extermination of human beings in this instance is sufficiently concentrated to meet the technical definition of genocide. For if it is, then the "competent organs of the United Nations" may be called in to take appropriate action, and you know how fearsome the competent organs may be when they may indeed be called.

The United States said the killing in Darfur was indeed genocide, the Europeans weren't so sure, and the Arab League said definitely not, and hairs were split and legalisms were parsed, and the debate over how many corpses you can fit on the head of a pin proceeded in stentorian tones while the mass extermination of human beings continued at a pace that may or may not rise to the level of genocide.

For people are still starving and perishing in Darfur.

But the multilateral process moved along in its dignified way. The U.N. general secretary was making preparations to set up a commission. Preliminary U.N. resolutions were passed, and the mass murderers were told they should stop — often in frosty tones. The world community — well skilled in the art of expressing disapproval, having expressed fusillades of disapproval over Rwanda, the Congo, the Balkans, Iraq, etc. — expressed its disapproval.

And, meanwhile, 1.2 million were driven from their homes in Darfur.

There was even some talk of sending U.S. troops to stop the violence, which, of course, would have been a brutal act of oil-greedy unilateralist empire-building, and would have been protested by a million lovers of peace in the streets. Instead, the U.S. proposed a resolution threatening sanctions on Sudan, which began another round of communiqué-issuing.

The Russians, who sell military planes to Sudan, decided sanctions would not be in the interests of humanity. The Chinese, whose oil companies have a significant presence in Sudan, threatened a veto. And so began the great watering-down. Finally, a week ago, the Security Council passed a resolution threatening to "consider" sanctions against Sudan at some point, though at no time soon.

The Security Council debate had all the decorous dullness you'd expect. The Algerian delegate had "profound concern." The Russian delegate pronounced the situation "complex." The Sudanese government was praised because the massacres are proceeding more slowly. The air was filled with nuanced obfuscations, technocratic jargon and the amoral blandness of multilateral deliberation.

The resolution passed, and it was a good day for alliance-nurturing and burden-sharing — for the burden of doing nothing was shared equally by all. And we are by now used to the pattern. Every time there is an ongoing atrocity, we watch the world community go through the same series of stages: (1) shock and concern (2) gathering resolve (3) fruitless negotiation (4) pathetic inaction (5) shame and humiliation (6) steadfast vows to never let this happen again.

The "never again" always comes. But still, we have all agreed, this sad cycle is better than having some impromptu coalition of nations actually go in "unilaterally" and do something. That would lack legitimacy! Strain alliances! Menace international law! Threaten the multilateral ideal!

It's a pity about the poor dead people in Darfur. Their numbers are still rising, at 6,000 to 10,000 a month.

Remember, les amis: why Saddam Hussein and not other dictators? Why Sudan and not other countries? If you can't act against all, act against none. Inaction is better than inequality, or the perception of inequality…

Oh, and before I forget: What a glorious day it was for France when UN delegates applauded de Villepin's speech slamming Yankee intervention against Saddam Hussein… To act against Saddam, non; to act against Sudan, non. (Or at best, let the action be speeches without backup force.) But to act against l'Oncle Sam (whether in the Spring of 2003 or in the Fall of 2004), alors, là, oui!

(Shookhran, Gregory Schreiber)

"Les gens avec qui je discutais n'étaient jamais allés voir Fox News ; ils basaient leur attitude exclusivement sur ce qu'on leur avait appris…"

Stéphane analyse
la façon dont la propagande fonctionne en tant que système. Les préoccupations qui agitent les penseurs autour des médias s'orientent davantage vers la profusion de l'information — perçue comme un effet négatif — que vers sa qualité. Pourquoi s'inquiètent-ils autant de la profusion et si peu de la qualité? C'est que les deux termes ont une signification particulière dans leur vocabulaire.

Ce que les intellectuels … dénigrent en parlant de profusion d'information, c'est l'information incontrôlée. Il faut voir dans ce qu'ils appelle l'information de qualité une information convenablement éditée, commentée, mise en forme, avec les bons enseignements qu'il faut en tirer, les conclusions amenées sur leur tapis rouge. Cette obsession de l'analyse est typique d'une caste d'intellectuels qui justifie son existence: c'est leur rôle de déduire et de commenter l'information brute, jamais, ô grand jamais, celui de l'auditeur. Tout au plus peut-on l'amener en lui tenant la main le long du chemin prévu pour lui, afin qu'il fasse le dernier petit pas.

Cette explication permet aisément de comprendre pourquoi "qualité" et volume s'excluent mutuellement. La mise en forme, que d'autres appelleraient manipulation ou désinformation, requiert temps et attention. C'est donc incompatible avec une information immédiate et disponible à travers de multiples sources non contrôlées. Ces dernières se contentent d'ailleurs le plus souvent de recopier les dépêches des agences.

Pour que le système fonctionne correctement, il faut neutraliser toute nouvelle source crédible qui ne participe pas de la même "ligne éditoriale". Lorsqu'un challenger apparaît dans une chasse gardée comme la presse écrite ou la télévision, la réaction est immédiate et totale. L'objectif de cette réaction n'est pas tant de couper l'accès du nouveau venu aux auditeurs que de le décrédibiliser complètement à leurs yeux, de l'isoler et de le tourner en ridicule afin de réduire et de marginaliser son audience.

Le cas de Fox News nous donne un exemple édifiant de l'ampleur du phénomène et de son fonctionnement. …

…bizarrement, tous les médias de France abordèrent le sujet Fox News comme un seul homme pour en dire la même chose: il-ne-fallait-pas-regarder-cette-chaîne. Tout en dévoilant son existence, il s'agissait surtout de la présenter immédiatement comme un média marionnette du gouvernement américain, à la botte de George W. Bush, donnant des informations déformées à l'extrême et souffrant d'un biais que même la Pravda n'osait afficher au plus fort de l'époque soviétique. Rien que ça! Tous ceux qui osaient la regarder étaient naturellement des crétins, des introvertis et des abrutis à divers degrés.

Je ne sais pas pourquoi les médias se mirent à tirer à boulets rouges avec une telle synchronisation. … Les auditeurs français furent appelés à se méfier de Fox News et à considérer tout ce qui en sortait comme des mensonges sans même l'avoir vue une seule fois de leurs propres yeux.

L'objectif fut atteint au-delà de toutes les espérances, j'eus l'occasion d'en faire l'expérience. …

Plusieurs de mes interlocuteurs me rétorquèrent sèchement qu'il n'était pas question de suivre [un hyperlien vers Fox News]. Ils refusaient de télécharger [la présentation texto de Colin Powell à l'ONU, un dossier factuel entièrement neutre de toute ligne éditoriale, quelle qu'elle soit] pour la lire, parce qu'elle provenait du site de Fox News. J'eus plusieurs retours dans ce style, venant de personnes qui ne se connaissaient pas entre elles.

Fox News était dans leur esprit un réseau tellement indigne de confiance qu'il n'était pas concevable d'y aller ne serait-ce que pour en ramener un fichier informatique! Un tel aveuglement volontaire est spectaculaire. Je suppose que même le service de météo de la chaîne devait être "inféodé à George W. Bush et aux industries pétrolières".

J'eus la confirmation de vive voix que les gens avec qui je discutais n'étaient jamais — ô grand jamais! — allé voir cette chaîne pas plus que son site; ils basaient leur attitude exclusivement sur ce qu'on leur avait appris, bien incapables qu'ils étaient de me citer un seul exemple concret qui appuie leur ostracisme délirant. Fox News était victime de sa mauvaise réputation, une mauvaise réputation totalement artificielle et installée à dessein.

Quand je demandais leurs raisons, ils me récitèrent leur catéchisme: "on sait bien que Fox News appuie le gouvernement Bush", "on sait parfaitement qu'ils manipulent l'information", "tout le monde sait qu'ils ne livrent qu'un tissu de mensonges."

Devinez d'où sort ce "on", d'où provient cette soudaine sagesse populaire implacable et définitive.

Certains de ces arguments ont l'apparence du vraisemblable sans pour autant être scandaleux: après tout, rien n'empêche une chaîne pro-gouvernementale d'exister, ce n'est pas un crime.

Mais c'est en prenant du recul que chacun peut s'apercevoir de leur mauvaise foi totale. Jamais un discours aussi extrémiste ne sera tenu face à d'autres médias étrangers biaisés d'une façon qui sied aux médias français. Si vous avez jamais entendu du mal d'Al-Jazeera, ce sera sans proportion avec ce que reçoit la chaîne américaine.

L'argument d'une chaîne indigne parce qu'inféodée à un gouvernement ne tient pas debout, lorsque cet argument sort de la bouche d'un spectateur régulier de France2 et France3 — chaînes d'autant plus soumises au pouvoir qu'elles sont carrément nationalisées. …

(Lire le post en son entièreté…)

2004/09/27

La grande leçon de la démocratie américaine

Quand un journal n'a pas d'autre choix que de publier un article sur un VIP pro-américain (en l'occurrence, l'auteur Yves Roucaute), mieux vaut le glisser dans le supplément littéraire, de préférence au milieu d'innombrables articles qui discréditent et caricaturent les Américains… (Noter aussi à quel point les questions du journaliste se situent dans la logique de la pensée dite unique de l'Hexagone…)
Yves Roucaute : …Si j'étais hégélien, je dirais que l'esprit de la liberté «s'objective» aujourd'hui dans les Etats-Unis d'Amérique. Même si celle-ci n'a évidemment pas le monopole de la liberté ; l'Amérique constitue, à mes yeux, le navire amiral des républiques libres.

Paul-François Paoli : Vous avez approuvé sans réserve la politique de George W. Bush en Irak. Que pensez-vous de son revers ?

Cette intervention était nécessaire pour trois raisons : la première, et la plus importante, étant qu'il fallait mettre hors d'état de nuire une tyrannie barbare. Les pacifistes qui manifestent contre Bush ne se sont jamais manifestés pour protester contre les massacres commis par ce régime dont les victimes sont évaluées à 2 millions de personnes depuis que Saddam était au pouvoir. Deuxième raison : la guerre contre le terrorisme que celui-ci finançait. Je pense aux 25 000 dollars versés aux familles des kamikazes anti-israéliens, ou au soutien apporté à des groupes comme celui d'Haaouri, l'un des plus violents. Il avait aussi hébergé et financé, dès 1988, Abou Nidal ainsi que le FPLP commandement spécial, crée des groupes comme l'Ansar, qui, responsable d'attentats commis en Israël et en Jordanie, s'apprêtait à en réaliser aux Etats-Unis. La troisième raison est celle des armes de destruction massive. Saddam Hussein en avait puisqu'il les a utilisées contre l'Iran. Nul ne sait s'il les a détruites, où, ni quand. Tout cela explique que, lorsque les Américains sont arrivés en Irak, la population les a acclamés. …

La Puissance de la liberté est un plaidoyer néo-conservateur. Comment définissez-vous ce courant qui domine le Parti républicain américain ?

Aux Etats-Unis, néo-conservateur correspond à ce que nous appelons «libéral» en France. Alors que «libéral» signifie, là-bas, de gauche ou «progressiste». Il faut donc se méfier des confusions. Le néo-conservatisme américain repose sur l'idée qu'il n'existe que des individus concrets qui ont en commun une loi morale d'origine divine. Cette loi, qui provient de l'Ancien et le Nouveau Testament, nous donne des droits humains que nul ne peut nous retirer. Ce qui veut dire qu'aucune majorité ni minorité politique, aucune oligarchie, ni aucun Etat ne peuvent les abroger. La grande leçon de la démocratie américaine, c'est d'avoir compris qu'en fondant les droits individuels sur un principe transcendant, on les rendait inaliénables. C'est pour cela qu'il n'y a jamais eu de régime totalitaire aux Etats-Unis, comme il y en a eu en Europe.

Peut-on critiquer la politique américaine sans être anti-américain ? A vous lire, on en doute...

Ce que je dénonce ce n'est pas la critique d'une politique, mais la manie qu'ont les Français de rabaisser les dirigeants américains, en particulier George W. Bush, que l'on traite de crétin régulièrement. C'est, en tout cas, ce que j'entends dans tous les dîners mondains où je vais. G. W. Bush est quand même diplômé de Yale et de la Business School de Harvard. Je peux vous dire que je n'ai pas un étudiant qui ait atteint le niveau pour y entrer. Nous sommes un pays où l'on défile en brûlant le drapeau américain, et où l'on insulte son président, mais où l'on trouve scandaleux que les Américains nous critiquent. Regardez Marianne qui lance une campagne de pétition contre l'élection de Bush. Vous imaginez si des pétitions avaient lieu aux Etats-Unis contre l'élection de Chirac, le tollé qui se produirait en France ?

Vous dressez un tableau calamiteux de l'histoire de France. Ne croyez-vous pas qu'il vaudrait mieux aider les Français à se réconcilier avec leur passé ?

Non. Je pense qu'il est urgent de nous débarrasser des schémas de pensée archaïque qui, à droite comme à gauche, ont dressé un véritable culte à l'Etat à travers ce que j'appelle le modèle bonapartiste. Mise à part la Russie, il n'y a plus qu'en France que l'on voue un culte à Napoléon. Pour les autres pays d'Europe, c'est incompréhensible. Voilà quand même quelqu'un qui a rétabli l'esclavage, dont les troupes ont commis, en Espagne, des massacres comparables à Oradour-sur-Glane, qui a fait des lois antijuives en France ! Il faudrait quand même avoir un jour le courage de regarder le passé tel qu'il a été réellement.

2004/09/26

Est-ce que le président français accepterait d'être interrogé ainsi?…

Bob Woodward, auteur de Plan d'attaque :
…quand on a du temps, on peut amener les dirigeants à répondre. Il faut reconnaître à Bush de m'avoir répondu, pendant trois heures et demie. Est-ce que le président français accepterait d'être interrogé ainsi, de façon précise, sur ce qu'il a dit ou fait à tel moment ou dans telle réunion? Je ne crois pas. Mais ce n'est pas facile. Ils n'aiment pas ce que je fais. Un jour, c'est oui, l'autre jour, c'est non. Rumsfeld changeait constamment d'avis. Pourtant, il a fini par me recevoir, pendant deux heures et demie, et il m'a donné des informations de son propre mouvement.

2004/09/25

La barbarie banalisée en Irak (lorsqu'elle est appliquée contre les Américains)

"Alors que la presse s'était déchaînée des jours entiers contre les Américains, pour les humiliations qu'ils avaient fait subir à des détenus dans la prison d'Abou Ghraïb, ses indignations paraissent comparativement bien modérées devant l'inhumanité de ceux qui tranchent des têtes" en Irak, écrit Ivan Roufol, qui évoque aussi le refus des agences de presse et des médias français, de diffuser un communiqué sur ce sujet :

Chirac, «Voix de la France»

Jacques Chirac, lundi devant l'ONU à côté du président brésilien Lula da Silva, du Chilien Ricardo Lagos et de l'Espagnol José Luiz Zapatero, pour réclamer l'instauration d'un impôt mondial afin de lutter contre la pauvreté dans le monde. Plus que jamais, le président de la République entend être l'antithèse de George Bush, qui justifiait le lendemain, devant les mêmes Nations unies, son intervention en Irak. Chirac se veut d'autant plus pacifiste, tiers-mondiste, multilatéraliste, onusien et de gauche que Bush apparaît combatif, libéral et de droite.

Les Français découvrent chaque fois davantage leur président militant. Il ne ressemble plus en rien au Chirac de 1988 qui donna l'ordre de prendre d'assaut la grotte d'Ouvéa (vingt et un morts), ni à celui de 1995 qui relança les essais nucléaires dans le Pacifique, et encore moins à celui de 1999 qui approuva le bombardement de la Serbie sans l'accord de l'ONU. Aujourd'hui, quand le chef de l'État déclare des guerres, c'est contre le cancer, l'insécurité routière et les conditions subies par les handicapés. Il est la compassion même. Un profil de prix Nobel de la Paix.

Cette politique «soft», qui déborde de bons sentiments et a reçu cette semaine l'aval du mouvement altermondialiste Attac, cherche le soutien de l'opinion internationale, qui fait tant défaut aux États-Unis. Chirac ne prend guère le risque de la décevoir, en prônant des taxes sur les armements, sur les transactions financières ou sur les bénéfices des multinationales pour collecter les dollars au profit des pays les plus pauvres. Dans la gestion de la mondialisation, la «Voix de la France» s'impose grâce à lui comme une référence.

Reste cependant, derrière cette popularité flatteuse, un doute sur l'efficacité de cette posture qui évite l'action et se réfugie dans les mots. «Jusqu'à présent, force est de constater que de telles idées n'ont jamais dépassé le stade de voeux pieux», faisait savoir, mardi, la Commission européenne, en commentant le projet d'une fiscalité mondiale. Surtout, Jacques Chirac, qui défend les subventions agricoles nationales, est de ceux qui empêchent les pays les plus pauvres d'exporter leurs productions et donc de s'enrichir. Autant d'ombres sur la perfection du message présidentiel. …

La barbarie banalisée en Irak

Le plus choquant, dans ces égorgements d'otages en Irak, reste la pondération de la majorité des médias français qui parlent d'«exécutions» comme si une justice était rendue. Aveuglés par leur antiaméricanisme, ils se montrent incapables de dénoncer la barbarie islamiste qui s'étale aux yeux du monde et donne envie de vomir. Alors que la presse s'était déchaînée des jours entiers contre les Américains, pour les humiliations qu'ils avaient fait subir à des détenus dans la prison d'Abou Ghraïb, ses indignations paraissent comparativement bien modérées devant l'inhumanité de ceux qui tranchent des têtes aux cris d'«Allah Akbar» («Dieu est le plus grand»), en récitant des versets du Coran.

Avant Eugene Armstrong et Jack Hensley, décapités cette semaine par le boucher al-Zarkaoui, près d'une vingtaine d'otages ont été assassinés au couteau et filmés dans leur agonie, jusqu'à ce que le bourreau pose la tête sur le dos du supplicié : une violence insupportable mais pourtant banalisée, comme le déplore avec raison le Syndicat de la presse communication-CGC, qui dénonce également une «instrumentalisation de l'information» et appelle à «un grand débat» sur ce problème. Mais ce syndicat ne peut accéder aux agences de presse et aux médias français, qui refusent de diffuser son communiqué.

A constater aussi, évidemment, le silence pesant de ces «plus hautes autorités de l'islam» saluées hier par la France pour s'être indignées que l'on puisse prendre en otages deux journalistes français.

2004/09/20

"Venant d'un pays qui a longtemps souffert du totalitarisme, je ne peux oublier cette indifférence d'une partie de l'opinion internationale"

Cette interview avec Bronislaw Geremek a été faite alors que la figure historique de la résistance polonaise au communisme briguait la présidence du Parlement européen.
Arnaud Leparmentier : Vous avez été attaqué pour votre soutien à la guere en Irak. Comment réagissez-vous?

Cette attaque me peine beaucoup. Dans la guerre d'Irak, il y avait le refus d'accepter une des dictatures les plus sanglantes de notre siècle. Je ne suis pas malheureux de penser qu'il y aura maintenant un dictateur de moins.

…On ne peut pas voir dans mon attitude un engagement pour une politique américaine. Il y avait un engagement pour les valeurs morales qui devraient être présentes dans la politique internationale. Venant d'un pays qui a longtemps souffert du totalitarisme, je ne peux oublier cette indifférence d'une partie de l'opinion internationale. On devrait établir une sensibilité éthique à l'égard des problèmes internationaux. Ce n'est ensuite qu'il faut poser la question politque, tout à fait justifiée, de l'efficacité de l'action.

Lire comment le quotidien dénigre
le courage et l'attitude de fermeté
en taxant la société polonaise
d'opinion publique apathique

2004/09/15

Principaux médias US accusés d'être biaisés contre Bush

Comme le reconnait Patrick Jarreau,
En général, ce sont … les républicains qui accusent les grands journaux et les principales chaînes de télévision — à l'exception de Fox News — d'être "biaisés".
Rappelez-vous, un article online avait rapporté que Fox News ne figurait même pas parmi les 12 sites des médias d'information les plus visités.

Alors, la prochaine fois que vous entendrez quelqu'un fustiger Fox News comme étant représentatif des médias (et des citoyens!) américains, ou que vous entendrez quelqu'un se lamenter que la presse est au pas de Bush, vous secouerez la tête, en leur rappelant les faits énoncés dans ce post, n'est-ce pas?…

Update Les médias américains montrent encore une fois leur aveuglement, leur statut de zombies, et leur inféodation à Bush

2004/09/14

Le mythe du déclin américain

Le Figaro publie un un entretien croisé entre l'auteur de L'Odyssée américaine et celui de Made in USA. Entre autres choses, Alexandre Adler explique les deux raisons pour lesquelles George W Bush n'a pas menti sur les ADM, tandis que Guy Sorman regrette "que l'amitié franco-américaine n'a jamais réellement existé. On relève déjà la condescendance française envers les Etats-Unis dans les lettres que Talleyrand". Guy Sorman ajoute que "J'ai bien peur que les propos nuancés que nous tenons s'avèrent incompréhensibles pour les Français, persuadés que tout ce qui est américain s'explique par le cynisme de la World Company". (Propos recueillis par Baudouin Bollaert, Marie-Laure Germon, et Laure Leibovitz)

LE FIGARO : Les élections américaines auront lieu en novembre prochain. Votre pronostic ?

Alexandre ADLER : Si Bush incarne, incontestablement, des valeurs conservatrices, il présente une certaine sensibilité civique qui le rend moins abrupt qu'un Dick Cheney ou qu'un John Ashcroft. En même temps, n'oublions pas qu'une aile gauche modérée demeure au sein du parti républicain. Cette dernière tend vers l'avènement d'un conservatisme dont l'humanité s'exprime sur des sujets sociétaux aussi divers que le statut de l'homosexualité ou l'importance de l'éducation. Le président actuel rejoint cette minorité de centre droit sur un point : le racisme. Bush est profondément antiraciste : il a nommé des Noirs à des postes clés, comme on ne l'avait jamais vu dans de précédents gouvernements démocrates, et n'a vraisemblablement aucun préjugé envers les Hispaniques. Il est, comme disent les Américains, color blind

Guy SORMAN : Revenons un instant sur l'antiracisme de Bush. Le Parti républicain n'est pas un parti de droite xénophobe au sens où l'on pourrait l'imaginer en Europe occidentale. George Bush – de même que Ronald Reagan en son temps – se montre très favorable à l'immigration ; elle constitue aux yeux de beaucoup de conservateurs la nature même des Etats-Unis. L'immigration hispanique et asiatique est particulièrement encouragée, en raison de la sympathie naturelle que ces populations entretiennent avec les valeurs traditionalistes, la religion, la famille, l'éthique du travail et la volonté farouche de s'intégrer au rêve américain. Même si l'on ne sait pas vraiment en faveur de quel candidat les Hispano-Américains se prononceront, leur comportement personnel et religieux s'avère profondément conservateur.

Si les Américains critiquent de plus en plus la gestion de l'après-guerre en Irak, la majorité d'entre eux ne conteste pas le bien-fondé de l'intervention...
Guy SORMAN : C'est exact. Si les Français s'imaginent que l'élection de Kerry modifiera la diplomatie américaine, prévenons-les tout de suite que cela ne sera pas le cas. La politique étrangère vient en effet de très loin, et remonte jusqu'à Jefferson, dès 1800. La vocation des Etats-Unis est, pour la plupart des Américains, de mondialiser la démocratie, parce qu'ils jugent cette entreprise juste, bonne, et qu'ils pensent que c'est la seule manière d'aboutir à la paix dans le monde. Ils considèrent qu'en dehors de l'éradication fondamentale de la tyrannie, aucune paix dans le monde n'est possible. Les Américains ont fait d'ailleurs par le passé la preuve de leur capacité à instaurer la démocratie, au Japon, en Allemagne, en Corée, à Taïwan, au Nicaragua. Une démocratie qui, selon eux, doit également se développer en Chine et au Proche-Orient. La sensibilité de Kerry n'est pas contraire à cette vision du monde où l'Europe ne tient pas une place centrale. …
Comment se fait-il que le mensonge de Bush sur les armes de destruction massive ait si peu influé sur l'opinion américaine ?
Alexandre ADLER : …Bush n'a pas menti pour deux raisons : tout d'abord il ne fait aucun doute qu'il croyait sincèrement à la présence effective d'armes de destruction massive en Irak, jusqu'à ce que cette certitude ne soit partiellement démentie. S'il s'est trompé, il n'a donc pas menti ; une distinction que les Américains ont parfaitement comprise. Par ailleurs, Saddam Hussein avait déjà par le passé usé d'armes de destruction massive, en l'occurrence de gaz de combat contre les Kurdes ou les Iraniens. Il a mené des expériences bactériologiques, et planifiait un programme nucléaire important heureusement démantelé. Par conséquent, rien n'autorisait à penser qu'il ne persévérerait point dans son entreprise belliqueuse.
Et le lien supposé entre Saddam Hussein et Ben Laden ?
Alexandre ADLER : Les Américains ont eu du mal à distinguer la xénophobie agressive du parti Baas de l'islamisme radical d'Oussama Ben Laden, manquement contestable sur le plan de l'analyse géopolitique mais justifiable d'un point de vue philosophique. Or, la volonté d'utiliser des armes de destruction massive par Al-Qaïda est incontestable, tout comme l'est l'existence d'arsenaux de ce genre au Moyen-Orient, notamment en Irak autrefois. les Américains ont donc voulu éviter la mise en contact et la collusion de ces deux idéologies meurtrières, probablement un peu avant que les problèmes ne se posent réellement. Et je ne peux pas leur donner totalement tort. On peut en revanche reprocher aux Américains l'impréparation de l'après-victoire technologique à Bagdad lorsqu'ils ont touché le sol.
La volonté américaine d'exporter la démocratie ne sert-elle pas à masquer une tendance inavouée à l'expansionnisme ?
Guy SORMAN : Cette distinction n'existe que dans nos esprits. Pour nous autres, Français ou Européens, les Américains sont nécessairement suspects d'être autre chose que ce qu'ils prétendent être. … Nous sommes bien les seuls à pouvoir nous offusquer que l'exportation de marchandises «made in USA» prolonge l'exportation de leur modèle démocratique.

…J'ai bien peur que les propos nuancés que nous tenons s'avèrent incompréhensibles pour les Français, persuadés que tout ce qui est américain s'explique par le cynisme de la World Company !
Comment, justement, expliquez-vous la vigueur de l'antiaméricanisme français ?
Guy SORMAN : L'antiaméricanisme est une idéologie aussi ancienne que les Etats-Unis eux-mêmes. C'est un discours autonome qui entretient un rapport assez lointain avec la réalité américaine. Sachons, tout d'abord, que l'amitié franco-américaine n'a jamais réellement existé. On relève déjà la condescendance française envers les Etats-Unis dans les lettres que Talleyrand, alors en exil à Philadelphie, envoyait en 1794 à Paris pour fustiger ce nouveau continent d'un mot assassin : «Une nation qui a trente religions et un seul plat n'est pas un peuple civilisé.» L'évêque ne pouvait supporter cette nation protestante débordant de sectes enthousiastes, de fous de dieu, et dépourvue – ô péché suprême ! – de la moindre once de raffinement. L'aristocratie française, à l'exception de Tocqueville, a toujours méprisé la démocratie américaine, qualifiée de populiste. Nos intellectuels et nos élites politiques restent tout aussi réticents envers une nation qui n'octroie aucun privilège aux élites éclairées.

Alexandre ADLER : …l'absence totale de projet impérial à long terme de l'Amérique devrait jouer en sa faveur aux yeux du Vieux Continent. S'il existe une volonté d'expansion économique indéniable de sa part, il s'agit à coup sûr d'une stratégie aussi féconde par la concurrence qu'elle induit que non violente par les méthodes qu'elle implique. On peut dire que l'Irak a été le tombeau d'un éventuel projet de domination ; l'Amérique n'a plus d'appétit pour attaquer le moindre État de la planète, ni la Syrie, ni la Corée du Nord ou l'Iran. La situation actuelle en Irak fait la preuve que l'Amérique ne peut – et surtout ne veut – diriger le monde, et ce précisément parce qu'elle incarne avant tout une république démocratique et très secondairement un empire. …

Guy SORMAN : Eclairons le présent à la lumière du passé et revenons aux principes des fondateurs : si selon Jefferson, l'Amérique est bien «L'Empire de la liberté», il ne fait aucunement référence à un impérialisme tel que l'Européen du XIXe siècle peut l'entendre. La conviction profonde que le monde trouvera la paix le jour où toutes les sociétés s'établiront sur les fondements d'une démocratie libérale est toujours en vigueur. La guerre ou même l'évangélisation ne sont que des moyens utilisés au service de ce projet.

Faites-vous allusion ici à l'expansionnisme religieux des Etats-unis ?
Guy SORMAN : On sait peu que la religion qui gagne le plus de terrain aujourd'hui dans le monde, ce n'est pas l'islam, mais ce que j'appelle «la nouvelle religion américaine». Celle-ci est plus imprégnée de l'Ancien Testament que du Nouveau. Si Dieu en est le centre, il se situe moins au-dessus des fidèles – comme dans le judaïsme ou le christianisme européen – qu'en eux-mêmes. Des fidèles qui préfèrent des résultats concrets ici-bas et maintenant, sans attendre l'au-delà. Les baptistes sont actifs partout, les pentecôtistes et mormons sont présents en Afrique, comme dans les anciens pays communistes et en Chine. En Amérique latine, les églises évangéliques se substituent aux catholiques...
L'idée d'un déclin des Etats-Unis tel qu'il a été pronostiqué par certains auteurs, comme Emmanuel Todd, vous paraît-elle fondée ?
Alexandre ADLER : Les exemples que donne Emmanuel Todd me semblent totalement farfelus, de même que son analyse de l'économie politique américaine. Il refuse par exemple de considérer l'information et le monde des médias comme une industrie, alors qu'elle constitue pourtant le nerf de la nouvelle révolution industrielle. Les Etats-Unis ne sont absolument pas sur le déclin, ils l'ont d'ailleurs remarquablement montré à plusieurs reprises au cours des années quatre-vingt-dix. L'Amérique vient au contraire de prendre la tête de la nouvelle révolution industrielle et l'Europe traîne bien loin derrière, notamment en matière de recherche. Le conservatisme-ruraliste-écologiste à la mode José Bové fait des ravages encore supérieurs. Cela dit, si l'Amérique demeure le pays le plus riche et le plus puissant, son degré d'interdépendance économique devrait croître dans les années à venir avec, notamment, une dépendance énergétique toujours plus forte.

Guy SORMAN : Précisons que, pour le moment, la part de la production américaine dans le monde reste immuable, malgré l'émergence de la Chine et du Japon. Les autres pays progressent, mais pas au détriment de l'Amérique. Tous s'enrichissent ensemble ! Surtout les Etats-Unis gardent la haute main sur l'innovation et la recherche avec 90% des brevets déposés dans le monde, ce qui leur donne trente ou quarante ans d'avance permanente. …

(Merci à Rémi)

2004/09/13

In Memoriam :
Jérôme Robert Lohez

Rien vu dans les médias français sur Jérôme Robert Lohez.

Qui est-il, d'abord?

Une victime des attentats du 11 septembre. Une victime d'origine française…

Une personne qui, à l'âge de 30 ans, s'est conduit avec un héroïsme hors du commun.

Une amie lui écrira, posthumement :

You had the chance to evacuate — you saw the south tower fall — you stayed behind. I truly believe you were there to comfort others and wait with them until help arrived. Jerome — you continue to amaze me in your selflessness.
Une autre personne, dit-elle, se souviendra toujours de lui :
I just wanted to let his family know that he was on my mind all day, and will be for the rest of my life. … Thank you so much Mr. Lohez and you will always be a Hero to me. God Bless.
Six Allemands sont morts ce jour-là, quatre d'entre eux des passagers des avions détournés, deux autres dans leurs bureaux du World Trade Center. Mais contrairement à l'Américain ci-dessus, les Allemands ne les porteront pas longtemps dans leurs mémoires, s'il faut s'en tenir à la presse allemande, car elle aussi a tu leurs noms…

Se souvenir de ces hommes et femmes, en effet, c'est se rappeler les pertes et la douleur des Américains. C'est se rappeler que ceux-ci aussi sont humains. C'est cesser de les discréditer et de les caricaturer… Voilà quelque chose qu'il faut à tout prix éviter dans l'Europe éternellement sage, tolérante, lucide, humaniste, visionnaire, et… solidaire.

Et donc, c'est ici qu'on écrira :

Rest In Peace, Jérôme Robert Lohez.

(Thank you, Paprika)